SCNC Claims Met with Denial, Contempt and Terror
A State that is embodied by individuals like Ahmadou Ahidjo and Paul Biya is not the kind of State the Southern Cameroons people can stand. Nor can French speaking Cameroonians stand the neocolonial State. There may be serious concerns that the SCNC elite so active in advocating secession, drafting constitutions and equating Southern Cameroons to Kuwait with a jealous eye on the Bakassi oil reserves may fight only to get their own individual share of the “national cake” within the plutocratic class currently ruling the country, and just using English speaking, ordinary people as their voting cattle; in which case they would just be incubating another neocolonial nightmare. Though, the facts show that they hold and have made a legitimate case.
By Ndzana Seme
New York 12/13/2009 - You may disagree with the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) activists because they are militating since decades for the independence and separation from the Republic of Cameroon of the southern part of former British Cameroons’ territory.
For a long time, we personally did disagree with them about the British cultural basis used for their claim of secession because, as Africans, we believe they should put their ancestors’ culture first. But at the end of the day, if we really believe in democracy and in its sovereignty to the people, our individual opinion would be a feather compared to the stone of the former British territory people’s opinion.
Democracy would oblige us to accept that the right of the informed people for self-determination is sacred. When the people demand their autonomy, nothing shall prevent them from doing so except if such thing is the sovereign; in which case there would be two sovereigns and no more democracy. A more purist position may even argue rightfully that there is no democracy without autonomous people.
The scariest reality is that based on adverse individual opinions such as ours about the SCNC claims of secession, we are quick to close our eyes on Biya regime’s stubborn and radical attitude of total denial and no-dialogue stand, on Biya regime’s systematic use of terror towards the SCNC militants thus replicating his neocolonial predecessor’s terror on the UPC party, on the fate of SCNC victims shot dead by the Biya regimes’ executioners covered with impunity or sent to jail with arbitrary sentences by neocolonial courts in the pay.
Because we side with the Biya regime, consciously or unconsciously, we do not even dare to listen or to check the validity of the arguments SCNC members bring forth.
Was it right when the French’s henchman Ahmadou Ahidjo totally forgot the British Cameroons when he declared the independence of the French Cameroon on January 1960, even though French Cameroon felt sooner the effects of the post-WWII independence movements led by UPC ? Why would France and her henchman ignore the unification of both Cameroons, which the UPC had fought for in addition to independence?
Was it right that only when confronted with the dilemma that the French granted the territory independence as the Republic of Cameroon and the question remained as to the future of the British Cameroons, France and its puppet government were pressed to put the British Cameroons question to a plebiscite in 1961?
Was it right that, after the northern British Cameroons regions voted to join Nigeria and the southern region opted for the Republic of Cameroon on a federated basis, the new State’s name be changed from the Federal Republic of Cameroon to the United Republic of Cameroon based on the 1972 general referendum?
Most shocking, was it right when, after the bitterly swallowed renaming as the United Republic - which somewhat removed without compensation English speaking Cameroonians from their special status of disadvantaged minorities -, the new President Paul Biya unilaterally decided on 4 February 1984 to rename the State back as the Republic of Cameroon without even daring to request the opinion of the people of the former British territory? Wasn’t that the most grievous contempt ever inflicted on the former British territory’s people?
There is a lot of ground to legitimately argue that the decision taken so unilaterally and arrogantly by Paul Biya to change the name of the State to the former name of the French Cameroon was in total violation of the Southern Cameroons people’s special status in what should have remained a federation. The special status was justified since early 1960’s by the fact that French Cameroon enjoyed more rapid economic and political development than British Cameroons. This status of disadvantaged minorities is still justified 50 years after independence as the current English speaking provinces are still the underdog in terms of economic and political development.
There may be serious concerns that the SCNC elite so active in advocating secession, drafting constitutions and equating Southern Cameroons to Kuwait with a jealous eye on the Bakassi oil reserves may fight only to get their own individual share of “national cake” within the plutocratic class currently ruling the country, and just using English speaking, ordinary people as their voting cattle; in which case they would just be incubating another neocolonial nightmare.
Though, the facts show that they hold and have made a legitimate case.
In addition, the world looks at Cameroon through the lenses of International human rights organizations. What is seen each year report after report is government terror on SCNC militants. We lived with some of their victims in the central prison of Yaounde-Kondengui and we reported their misery back in 1995 in a series of articles in Le Nouvel Indépendant newspaper. It was horrible to be in their feet.
The SCNC problem should be the problem of all Cameroonian patriots. For, SCNC is the first movement that has noticed very early that people thirsting for democracy cannot stand a neocolonial and puppet State manipulated by France.
A State that is embodied by individuals like Ahmadou Ahidjo and Paul Biya is not the kind of State the Southern Cameroons people can stand.
No populations in Cameroon can initiate an amendment or a revision of the Constitution, known asthe general statutes of the non-profit organization called State, which is used by puppet political chiefs to dominate them. There is nothing the Northern Cameroons people can do to get their voice heard without being accused of high treason by Paul Biya.
Article 63 of the Constitution of 1996 provides that only the President of the Republic or the Parliament may propose amendments to the Constitution.
To enjoy their autonomy they had chosen as a condition to join French Cameroon, they would want a democratic State with no individual benefiting kingly powers, but Article 64 clearly stipulates that “No procedure for the amendment of the Constitution affecting the republican form, unity and territorial integrity of the State… which govern the Republic shall be accepted.”
The question is whether French speaking Cameroonians agree with such a neocolonial State or they are just as terrorized as the Southern Cameroons’ people by the same neocolonial dominators. Finally, shouldn’t SCNC struggle be the legitimate struggle of all Cameroonians?
We think there is no shame to recognizing the SCNC struggle as legitimate even if you disagree with them in some points. As long as you accept democracy as the best form of government, you cannot reject SCNC claims without close examination.
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2. Unlawful killings of political opponents
The Cameroonian authorities, particularly leaders of the ruling political party, have encouraged and presided over a climate in which members of opposition political groups have been subjected to violence. In many cases, the violence has been exercised by members of the security forces. In other cases, even when the violence does not appear to have been ordered by the government, its supporters have meted out violence on their opponents, with impunity.
In April 2003 Patrick Mbuwe, a former secretary of the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) – a group supporting independence for Anglophone provinces – was shot by men in civilian clothes and later died in hospital. Local sources suspect that the assailants were members of the security forces.
On 20 August 2004, John Kohtem, a leader of the opposition Social Democratic Front (SDF) in Balikumbat district of North-West Province, was beaten to death. Doh Gah Gwanyin, a local traditional chief and Member of Parliament representing the ruling RDPC, was publicly named by the SDF and local human rights groups as having instigated and participated in the beating of the victim. Prior to his death, John Kohtem is reported to have accused Doh Gah Gwanyin of involvement in voter registration malpractices that were intended to favour the ruling party during the October 2004 elections.
On 18 October 2004, unknown armed assailants attacked the home of Pius Lecigah, John Kohtem’s successor as leader of the SDF in Balikumbat. During an exchange of fire, Evelyne Lecigah, Pius Lecigah’s wife, was shot and wounded in the stomach.
3.2 Violations of the rights of SCNC members
The Cameroonian authorities have arbitrarily arrested and unlawfully detained members of the SCNC in violation of their right to peaceful assembly and association.
On 21 and 22 September 2004, around 20 members of the SCNC were reportedly arrested and briefly detained in the towns of Mutengene, Tiko and Kumba in western Cameroon. Their reported arrests occurred as they met to prepare a celebration of the anniversary of southern Cameroon’s independence from Britain on 1 October 1961.
As many as 40 members of the SCNC, including their leader Henry Fossung, were arbitrarily arrested and unlawfully detained on 15 January 2005 by members of the gendarmerie’s Groupement mobile d’intervention (GMI, Mobile Intervention Unit) in Buéa, capital of South-West Province.
SCNC prisoners sentenced by a military tribunal in October 1999 to lengthy prison terms, waited for five years to be allowed to appeal against their conviction, and sentences. They had been charged with violent offences, including murder, attempted murder, grievous bodily harm, illegal possession of firearms, arson and robbery, in connection with armed attacks in North-West Province in March 1997.
Amnesty International considered their trial to be unfair. The defendants were denied access to legal counsel in pre-trial detention and were tried by a court controlled by the Cameroonian Ministry of Defence.
In its decision of 16 December 2005 pertaining to the prisoners’ appeal, the Court of Appeal in Yaoundé acquitted two of the prisoners, confirmed prison terms for two others and reduced sentences for a further six. The life sentences for Simon Ngek Kwei, Hassan Jumba and Edwin Jumven were reduced to 25 years. The 20-year prison terms for Roland Ndzi Tata were reduced to 15 years. The 15-year prison terms for Zacharia Khan and Sama Geh Atambum were reduced to 10 years. The 10-year prison terms for Philip Tete, Bob Bolewa and Thomas Fonkwa were confirmed. The 10-year prison terms for Adelbert Ngek and Promise Nyamsai were quashed and they were acquitted.
Two brothers, Wilson Neba Che and Samuel Neba Che had been released in May 2005 after serving their full eight-year prison terms. Martin Cheonumu who had been serving an eight-year prison term died in custody in July 2004. Julius Ngu Ndi who had been sentenced to a 20-year prison term died from tuberculosis in July 2005.
He had reportedly been denied adequate and prompt medical treatment for several months, and was taken to hospital only days before he died. Daniel Ntanen Ndifon – who was not previously known to Amnesty International – died in April 2003.
More than 60 SCNC members were arrested on 24 April 2006 and released without charge on 1 May 2006. Fidelis Chinkwo, Emmanuel Emi, Priscilla Khan, Elvis Bandzeka and Cleus Che were arrested while meeting in Bamenda on 16 September 2006. They were released several days later without charge.
About 40 members of the SCNC were arrested on 20 January 2007 as the organization’s National Vice-Chairman, Nfor Ngala Nfor, was about to address a press conference in Bamenda. Several SCNC members, including Nfor Ngala Nfor, were reportedly injured during the arrests. Although most of those arrested were released within a few hours, Nfor Ngala Nfor and at least 12 others were detained without trial for nearly two months.
By December 2008, nearly 40 members of the SCNC were still awaiting trial on charges ranging from wearing SCNC T-shirts to agitating for secession. In December 2007, the case against those arrested on 20 January 2007 was dismissed by the court after the prosecution failed to produce witnesses.
Members of the security forces arrested at least seven SCNC members on 11 February 2008. They had been meeting in a Presbyterian Youth Centre at Azeri Old Church junction in Mankon, Bamenda. A day earlier, some 20 SCNC members, including SCNC Assistant National Organizing Secretary Fidelis Chinkwo Ndeh, had been arrested in Bamenda. Ten of them were detained at a GMI detention centre, while 10 others were detained at a police station in the town.
http://southerncameroonsig.typepad.com/files/government-announcement.pdf
REF: BSCRG/002/HOG/2009
Fellow Compatriots,
The African Union just concluded its 12th Ordinary Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on 4 February 2009. Although most of our people were unaware of what was going on behind the scenes, this was no ordinary Summit for the People of the Southern Cameroons.
La Republique du Cameroun, in yet another futile political manoeuvre against the inexorable restoration of the sovereign statehood of the Southern Cameroons, had proposed a calculated agenda item on what it falsely called the "Peaceful settlement of the Bakassi conflict" to be discussed by the organs of the Union. In the proposal, La Republique invited African leaders to do a number of things, which if done, would have seriously undermined the work of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (an organ of the AU) before which is a complaint from the People of the Southern Cameroons on the violation of their Eastern Frontier by la Republique du Cameroun. La Republique du Cameroun's proposals were also framed in such a way as to make it appear as though the African Union was endorsing that country's annexation and continuing armed colonial occupation of the Southern Cameroons. What la Republique du Cameroun was asking the AU to do in effect was for the AU to undercut the work of its own organ.
Thanks to the vigilance of the Southern Cameroons Restoration Government, the Southern Cameroons People's Organization and the Southern Cameroons National Council, and thanks to the guidance of Divine Providence, and the wisdom of African leaders, this misconceived and duplicitous agenda item never managed to get into the final agenda for the Summit. As soon as the proposed agenda bearing this mischievous item was published, the RG, SCAPO and SCNC, working as one, got into full gear to alert AU organs and Member States about the danger and error into which la Republique du Cameroun was dishonestly trying to push them.
The Restoration Government therefore notes with satisfaction and informs the People of the Southern Cameroons that wisdom prevailed at the end of the day. As we all know for a fact, Bakassi belongs neither to Nigeria nor to the la Republique du Cameroun. Bakassi is irrefutably part and parcel of the territory of the Southern Cameroons.
La Republique du Cameroun's so-called "peaceful settlement of the Bakassi conflict" is mere wishful thinking. In his 2008 end of year address to his country Mr. Biya himself acknowledged the rising conflicts and insecurity in the Bakassi peninsula and the gulf of Guinea in general. The real and root cause of the insecurity and instability which Mr. Biya complains about is no doubt the illegal occupation and annexation of the Southern Cameroons by la Republique du Cameroun, a country Mr. Biya has been ruling for almost thirty years. We reiterate that the insecurity and instability will not end until la Republique du Cameroun for once complies with international law by ending, as it inevitably must, its colonial occupation of the Southern Cameroons and criminal loot and plunder of the territory's resources.
The fact that the deceitful agenda item never saw the light of day means that the African Commission on Human and People's Rights will, in all tranquility, proceed with its examination of the Southern Cameroons' complaint in Communication 337/2007 without the calculated interference by la Republique du Cameroun, a Respondent State in the matter. I therefore call on all citizens of the Southern Cameroons to remain calm while the AU and its competent organ study the facts of the dispute in order to reach their conclusion and verdict. At the same time, we must remain vigilant within our Homeland and abroad against more future schemes of the Yaounde colonial oligarchy.
I wish to place on record the fact that over and over again we have called on la Republique du Cameroun to accept dialogue and arbitration regarding the Southern Cameroons Sovereignty Question. If la Republique du Cameroun is a credible proponent of the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Africa it should not agonize over accepting dialogue and arbitration. Indeed seven years ago in 2002, Mr. Kofi Annan, the then Secretary General of the UN, made the same proposal during his visit to Yaounde, but la Republique du Cameroun rebuffed the UN Secretary General's call for dialogue
Fellow compatriots,
My key purpose today is to announce this commendable outcome of our vigilance and intervention as well as the wisdom that led to the mischievous agenda item being withdrawn. However, I seize this opportunity to announce that we have finished work on the Constitution of the Restored State of the Southern Cameroons. When the Constitution Committee was set up to propose a draft Constitution for the emerging Southern Cameroons nation, I gave clear directives for an INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL COMMISSION to be created from the word "GO" in the Southern Cameroons to manage all public elections. The draft proposed Southern Cameroon Restoration Constitution is ready and will be in circulation throughout the Southern Cameroons and on the internet in the months ahead for an informed and vibrant general national debate. The Southern Cameroons INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL COMMISSION will take charge of all election processes: compilation and revision of voters' lists, announcement of election dates, registration of voters, handling at first instance of all election-related complaints, vote counting and announcement of results at each polling station, aggregation of overall results and conclusive announcement of winners at each and every election. Its members will not come from a ruling party. They will be carefully chosen men and women of proven integrity entrusted with a sacred mission. They will be drawn from all Counties of the Southern Cameroons. This body will be independent of any form of Executive control and will operate an autonomous budget charged on the National Consolidated Fund.
As you study the draft proposed Southern Cameroons Constitution in the coming months, you will no doubt take special note that from its key provision, there will be no way for a citizen to hang on to power indefinitely against the wishes of the good people of the Southern Cameroons.
We have no business commenting on the total chaos, disgrace and institutionalized confusion to the east of our frontier in the neighboring country of la Republique du Cameroun with regard to elections and politics in general, except to say that even the last hopes of those of our compatriots who have been in the mistaken belief that colonization can be cured by a possible election reform measure adopted by the colonizer, have been dashed. We reaffirm the universal truth that colonization is a crime against humanity and its cure is not even good governance but the termination of it. The People of the Southern Cameroons can demand no less from the enlightened world and the international community than that the fundamental principles of the African Union and the United Nations be upheld with respect to the Southern Cameroons, and therefore accordingly, forthwith bring to an end the territory's colonial occupation by la Republique du Cameroun.
Thank you.
May the Good Lord bless our collective efforts to be a free people!
May His Guiding Spirit speedily bring us to Freedom Land!
Carlson Anyangwe
Head of Government
RESOLUTION 014/2008 OF THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEES OF THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS PEOPLE'S ORGANISATION (SCAPO), THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS NATIONAL COUNCIL (SCNC) AND REPRESENTATIVES OF THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS RESTORATION GOVERNMENT, CALLING FOR THE DEFERMENT OF AN AGENDA ITEM PROPOSED BY THE REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON FOR DISCUSSION AT THE COMING AU SUMMIT TITLED,
"PEACEFUL CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN AFRICA: A MODEL OF THE BAKASSI CRISIS"
The National Executive Committee of the Southern Cameroon People's Organisation (SCAPO), of the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC), and Representatives of the Southern Cameroons Restoration Government, meeting in Buea, Southern Cameroons, on Saturday 6 December 2008:
• Considering that both French Cameroon and British Cameroon were separate mandated Territories of the League of Nations from 1922 until they each became United Nations Trust Territories in 1946, and that all along, each territory had its distinct territorial boundaries defined by International Treaties,
• Considering that French Cameroons became independent on 1 January 1960 as La Republique du Cameroun with its distinct international boundaries which became frozen on that date under the principle of the respect of frontiers inherited at independence, (Article 4(b) of the African Union Constitutive Act);
• Considering that at its independence on 1 January 1960 the boundaries of La Republique du Cameroun could not include the territory of the Southern Cameroons because at that date the Southern Cameroons was still a UN Trust territory and the Trust was not terminated until 1 October 1961;
• Noting that in February 1961 Southern Cameroons voted in a UN plebiscite to "achieve independence by joining" La Republique du Cameroun, in conformity with UNGA Res. 1541(XV) of 15 December 1960, in a Federal Union of 2 States both equal in status, but a valid legal union never took place due to the non-respect of UN Charter Art. 102, the non-implementation of UNGA Resolution 1608(XV), and La Republique du Cameroun's open vote AGAINST Resolution 1608(XV) that called for union of the two states;
• Considering that the said Plebiscite was simply a mechanism by which to know the intention of the People of Southern Cameroons and not in any way the implementation of that intention or a treaty of union with Former French Cameroon, or some mechanism by which the People of Southern Cameroons made a free gift of themselves, their country and posterity to Former French Cameroon;
• Noting further that having voted against union with the Southern Cameroons and without UNGA Resolution 1608(XV) (paragraph 5 in particular) having been implemented, La Republique du Cameroun nevertheless went ahead with her colonial ambitions over the Southern Cameroons by amending her constitution in September 1961 to make the Southern Cameroons a part of her territory and crossing her boundaries to occupy the Southern Cameroons even while the latter was still a United Nations Trust Territory;
• Noting that the so-called Federal Constitution which was in essence the domestic law of La Republique du Cameroun because it was unilaterally drafted and enacted by the Assembly of that country and imposed on the People of Southern Cameroons was also subsequently abolished in the premeditated expansionist agenda to absorb the Southern Cameroons;
• Noting further that there is no shred of legal document of any kind whatsoever linking the Southern Cameroons to La Republique du Cameroun and that all her pretended claims over the territory of the Southern Cameroons are null and void ab initio, and in any case no one can claim a greater right to the territory of the Southern Cameroons than the People of Southern Cameroons themselves;
• Noting further that La Republique du Cameroun is currently one of the State Respondents in Communication 337/2007 pending before the African Commission on Human and People's Rights (ACHPR), which Commission should be allowed to carry out its duties in all serenity and objectivity;
• Considering that Territorial annexation is an International crime and no legal rights are established by injuring another since this would lead to the conclusion that an international crime can be used as title to territory because its perpetration was attended with success,
• Recalling that in resolution 497 (1981) of the UN Security Council, it is noted that the acquisition of Territory by force is inadmissible, and that Declaration 663 (1990) of the same Council dated 9 August 1990, states that "The annexation of Kuwait by Iraq cannot under any form or under any pretext have legal validity and is considered null and void".
• While appreciating the need for peaceful conflict resolution in Africa, as captured in the rallying motto of the struggle of the People of Southern Cameroons; "THE FORCE OF ARGUMENT, NOT THE ARGUMENT OF FORCE". And recalling that in 1994, the People of Southern Cameroon filed a PETITIION AGAINST ANNEXATION at the UN and during his visit to Yaounde in 2002 the UN Secretary General His Excellency Kofi Annan, in good faith, called for a peaceful resolution of the Southern Cameroon question and proposed "genuine dialogue" between the two former UN Trust Territories, La Republique du Cameroun, promptly placed Mamfe Town where the Kofi Annan dialogue was to hold under military siege;
• Affirming that in harmony with the UN General Assembly Resolution 2625 (xxv) of 24 October 1970, the Territory of a State cannot be subject to acquisition by another State as a consequence of resort to the threat or use of force and no territorial acquisition obtained by the use of force shall be recognized as legal;
• Noting that in her application of 28 March 1994 to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) La Republique du Cameroun stated in paragraph 6 that Bakassi is a portion of Southern Cameoons territory;
• Aware that in the same application of 28th March 1994 to the ICJ La Republique du Cameroun stated in paragraph 7 that both she (LRC) and Nigeria had undertaken to abide by the principle of the respect of boundaries as stipulated by item 2 of resolution AGM/Res. 16(I) of the Organization of African Unity adopted in Cairo on 21 July 1964 which "declare solemnly that all member states undertake to respect the existing boundaries at the time of independence" and noting that this OAU Resolution was later formalized in Article 4b of the Constitutive Act of the AU;
• Recalling that the International boundary between Southern Cameroon and La Republique du Cameroun was established by International Treaty and not determined by a domestic decree of La Republique du Cameroun and further that this boundary has been the flash point of the dispute between the two states throughout the annexation of the former UN Trust Territory of the Southern Cameroons;
• Equally recalling the stand and determination of the UN and the AU to eradicate all forms of colonialism from Africa and the world at large;
• Believing that the process of self-determination is a continuing right and in essence means self-preservation, not self-destruction and therefore a people cannot self-preserve by extinguishing themselves and further that no African country is known to have undergone self extinction in the process of self-determination;
• Deeply concerned that as an organ of the AU, the African Commission on Human and people's Rights ought to be given adequate time and allowed a free hand to determine on behalf of the AU the key question raised in Communication No 337/2007 now before that Commission, and convinced that in requesting the AU to discuss a matter which is embodied in a complaint pending before the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights La Republique du Cameroun is in effect tricking the AU into undercutting the work of its own organ;
RESOLVE:
1. To submit to the AU that the Agenda Item proposed by the Republic of Cameroon which seeks to involve the AU in discussing a part of the Southern Cameroons' Territory simultaneously with the African Commission on Communication 337/2007 is unnecessary, ill-timed and a calculated distraction. The proposal should therefore be deferred and adequate time given to the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights to freely reach its conclusion on Communication 337/2007.
That should there be urgency to discuss Bakassi or any portion of the Territory of the Southern Cameroons at the next AU Summit, in the higher interest of truth and peace, the voice of the People of Southern Cameroons should be heard through an appropriate mechanism whereby they can be represented. Any discussion of Bakassi will usefully be on WHY THE HANDING OVER OF THE BAKASI PENINSULA TO CAMEROON HAS NOT BROUGHT ABOUT THE DESIRED PEACE IN THE AREA.
3. That in the higher interest of the peaceful resolution of African conflicts, the present resolutions by the above Southern Cameroons organisations should, as a matter of urgency be circulated to all Embassies in Addis Ababa with copies to the AU and UN to enable Member States of the AU to appreciate the need to urgently initiate an all-party arbitration/dialogue on the matter or allow the process of peaceful resolution of a current African conflict to proceed normally through the AU organ already working on the issue.
4. CALLS ON LA REPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN TO GRACEFULLY ACCEPT DIALOGUE AND ARBITRATION ON THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS ISSUE UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE AFRICAN UNION. IN DOING THIS THERE IS NO SHAME BUT HONOUR, WHICH IS GREATER WHEN THE TRUTH IS ACCEPTED VOLUNTARILY IN DIGNITY.
5. CALLS ON THE AFRICAN UNION AND ITS INDIVIDUAL MEMBER STATES, IN THE HIGHER INTEREST OF PEACEFUL CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN AFRICA, TO DO ALL IN THEIR POWER TO BRING THE TWO DISPUTING PARTIES TO THE NEGOTIATING TABLE SO THAT IN AFRICAN FRATERNITY, THE FACTS OF THE MATTER MAY BE OBJECTIVELY EXAMINED
6. PROMISES THE FULL COOPERATION OF THE PEOPLE OF SOUTHERN CAMEROONS WITH ANY PANEL OR BODY THAT SHALL BE CREATED BY THE AU TO ADDRESS THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS DISPUTE WITH LA REPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN.
7. COMMENDS THE AU AND ITS ORGANS FOR THEIR LAUDABLE ENDEAVOUR TO BRING PEACE TO AFRICA THROUGH JUSTICE AND PEACEFUL CONFLICT RESOLUTION.
Done in Buea, this Sixth Day of December, in the Year of our Lord Two Thousand and Eight
Signatures on filed copy:
____________________________
Dr. Simon Ngakfumbe
Chairman, Resolutions Committee
__________________________
Caroline Anyangwe
Rapporteur
_________________________ ________________________
Chief Ayamba Ette Ottum Alex Mouchuo
Southern Cameroons National Council Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO) SCNC
____________________________ ____________________________
Mola Njoh Litumbe A.F. Ndangam
Representative of the SC Restoration Representative of the SC Restoration Government Government
CC: The Secretary General UN.
• The Current Chair, African Union
• The Chairperson of the AU Commission
• The Current Chair, AU PRC
• The Chairperson, ACHPR, Banjul
• Archives
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Professor Martin Ayim
PO Box 399, Grambling, LA 71245
bscsecretarygeneral@gmail.com
www.southerncameronnsig.org
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